Обсуждение:Сунна
Сунна Аллаха
Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān
| сунна (1 477 слов) Арабский термин «способ действовать». Древняя арабская концепция сунна ( пли. Сунана) происходит ¶ восемнадцать раз в Коране. Вообще - то есть вне строгого контекста Корана - он определяется как способ действия, одобренный или не одобренный, и обычно ассоциируется с людьми более ранних поколений, чьим примером должны следовать или избегать более поздние поколения , Концепция занимает решающее место в исламе. В развитии исламского богословия это в конечном итоге стало ассоциироваться с ортодоксией, бастионом против неортодоксальных инноваций ( bidʿa; см. Инновации; теология и Коран) ; для изучения первых приверженцев сунны см. Juynboll, Excursus on theахл-сунна ).
Что касается контекста Корана, то вхождения этого термина можно условно разделить на две категории: «сунна» либо обозначает Божий способ обращения с пока еще неверующими людьми мира , либо это слово для поведения из тех мятежных неверующих, которые отказываются подчиняться божественным институтам, отказываясь подчиняться божественным посланникам (см. наглость и упрямство; посланник; вера и неверие; восстание ). Примеры сунны в первой категории включают ссылки на обращение Бога с анонимными неверующими в мекканском стихе q 40:85 (см. Хронологию и Коран ) или кураши и / или лицемеры ( munāfiqūn; смотри курайш; лицемеры и лицемерие ) в мединских стихах q 17:77,33:38,62 и48:23. Примеры сунны во второй категории относятся в мекканских сурах к анонимным народам (ср. Q 15:13,18:55,35:43) и в мединской суре к мекканским противникам пророка Мухаммеда среди курайшитов (ср. Q 8 : 38; см. Оппозицию Мухаммеду ). Кроме того, в мединской стихотворной д 3: 137 множественное число сунано приукраситьпомощью(д. 310/923; Табари Тафсира , IV, 99)качестве mathulāt, то есть карательные меры, применяемые к доисламским народам, таким как ʿĀd ¶ (qv) и Тамуд (qv), которые отказались прислушиваться к проповеди пророков, посланных им Богом (см. Пророки и пророчество ), тогда как в другом мединском стихе в во множественном числе ( q 4:26) оно обозначает благочестивые «образы жизни» некоторых людей и пророков прошлого (см. поколения ). В дополнение к этому использованию термина сунна в Коране, понятие сунны можно проследить по разным линиям, охватывающим ряд различных нюансов. Некоторые из них позже были предварительно прослежены до Корана, то есть до лекций Корана, отличных от сунны, где считалось, что сунна подразумевается. Первоначально сунна была нейтральным термином для хороших или плохих прецедентов, установленных более ранними поколениями, и она играла решающую роль в эволюции исламского закона, шарины (см. Закон и Коран ). В течение второго / восьмого века сунна стала считаться одним из корней ( uṣūl)Исламского права, действительно, после Корана, второй по важности корень. Именно теоретик права аш-Шафини (ум. 204/820) особенно сыграл важную роль в поднятии концепции сунны до этого неприступного уровня юридической власти. В качестве законодательного источника Коран содержит достаточное количество предписаний, которые имеют решающее значение при разработке законов, предписывающих поведение человека. Но большинство этих предписаний сформулированы в терминах либо слишком широких, либо двусмысленных (см.) Или совершенно непрозрачных. Анализируя и, где возможно, разъясняя, эти термины стали задачей ранних исламских толкователей (см. Толкование Корана: классическое и средневековое).). Эти комментаторы действовали в соответствии с постепенно преобладающим правилом, согласно которому вместо примера, поданного каким-либо религиозным экспертом, должен быть приведен подтверждающий пророческий пример. Таким образом , эти экзегетами искали и распространение отчетов ( хадисов) , который передается , что пророк ¶ Мухаммаде и ранние уроки власти ( 'ulamā') , якобы сказал по поводу некоторых коранических стихов и, в соответствующих случаях, их применение в повседневной жизни (см Сира и Кораном ; традиционный дисциплины изучения Корана). Среди самых ранних слоев власти пророк Мухаммед должен был играть все более важную роль. Одной обязательной потребностью было прояснение неясных отрывков из Корана, и эта потребность отражена в ряде обширных традиций, которыми особенно известно введение в собрание ал-Дарими (ум. 255/869). Больше, чем его коллеги-традиционалисты, именно аль-Дарими собрал ряд хадисов, которые занимались вопросом взаимозависимости Корана и сунны (см. Шадит и Коран).). То, что большинство из этих высказываний, вероятно, принадлежит ему, может быть выведено из их отсутствия из других ранних коллекций, приписываемых его сверстникам. Возможно, наиболее кратким из нескольких более поздних изречений является то, что гласит: «Корану [объяснение, содержащееся в] сунне, нужно больше, чем наоборот» ( Инна л-Куршан ашваджу ила л-сунна мина л-сунна ила л -Qur'ān; [. д 329/941] ср богослов аль-Barbahārī в его Китаб ал-Сунна, [. д 526/1131] , который Ибн Аби Ya'lā экстенсивно котировки в его Табакат аль-Ḥanābila [ср II, 25] ). Взаимосвязанность Корана и сунны постепенно перешла в деликатное поле отмены (см. Нашх ). Первоначально само собой разумеется, что проход Коран может отменить сунну; но в конце концов был поднят вопрос, может ли сунна, установленная, например, в пророческом хадисе, отменить судебный запрет. Оператор «сунна может определить Коран , но не вице - Versa» (аль-Сунна qāḍiyatun аля л-в-Коран laysa аль-Куран би-аля л ищет Женщину-сунна) приписывается к раннему власти, Яхья б. Аби Касир (d. 132/749) , но, вероятно , аль- ¶ собственных рук Dārimī (ср его Сунан,я, 153, нет. 587). Этот весьма спорный вопрос занимал богословов и юристов в течение значительного периода времени. В ранней тафсирской литературе нет заметных попыток приравнять определенные термины из Священного Писания к сунне или, в частности, к пророческой сунне ( суннат ан-наби) . Это был вышеупомянутый ученый - правовед аль-Шафини, который первым попытался связать важный термин из Корана с сунной, пытаясь представить в Священном Писании свидетельство того, что сунна должна автоматически приравниваться к суннату ан-наби . Слово выбрано им было хикма, « мудрость » (например , его Рисала,32, 78 и т. Д.); но даже после его жизни эта идентификация, кажется, не завоевала популярность у других юристов. Единственное объяснение ранних экзегетов, таких как аль-Хасан аль-Багри (ум. 110/728) и Катада б. Динама (ум. 117/735), как утверждается, предлагали для аль-Шикма просто глянец аль-сунна без дополнительных уточнений (ср. Тафсир аль-Хасан аль-Багри, я, 115, Шабари, Тафсир, я, 557, объявление д 2: 129). Затем, от рук аш-Шафини, это распространяется на суннат расули ллах . стих что приходит на ум наиболее легко , как предоставление возможности хорошо для отслеживания концепции Сунны Пророка и / или что его верных последователей в Коране, является д 33:21: «Вы должны были (предположительно: есть) в посланце Бог прекрасный пример… »; но аш-Шафини даже не намекал на этот стих в своей Рисале . Это традиционалист Агмад б. Шанбал (ум. 241/855), который упоминает стих (ср. Его Муснад, II, 15 = изд. А. М. Шакир, № 4641) в связи с сунной. Дискуссия была сформулирована в осторожных терминах, чтобы сунна, которая, в конце концов, установлена человеком, не была слишком легко воспринята, чтобы быть способной отменить или изменить первоначальную интерпретацию Священного Писания, которое, в конце концов, имеет божественное происхождение. Другой термин , заключенный в скобки с ал-сунны рядом с Кораном это слово Habl, «веревка, ¶ шнура,» в д 3: 103 (ср Ибн Хаджар, Фатх аль-бари, XVII, 3, Apud Бухари, К. аль- Iʿtiṣām, 1). В экзегетической литературе, однако, Шабль почти исключительно связан с Кораном, или религией, или общиной ( джамана) верующих, но не с сунной. Термин « сунна» встречается не чаще, чем в стихах, о которых говорилось выше, в то время как существуют многочисленные отрывки из Корана, в которых сунна и / или ее производная суннат ан-наби предельно ясны . Часто повторяется команда , что верующие должны повиноваться Богу и Его посланника (ср Kassis, Симфонии, Sv aṭā'a, «Послушание», см послушание ) может быть практически всегда истолковано как указание на представление примерному поведению Пророка. |
Sunna (1,477 words) Arabic term for “way of acting.” The ancient Arab concept sunna (pl. sunan) occurs ¶ eighteen times in the Qurʾān. Generally — that is to say outside the strict context of the Qurʾān — it is defined as a way of acting, whether approved or disapproved, and is normally associated with the people of earlier generations, whose example has to be followed or shunned by later generations. The concept occupies a crucial place in Islam. In the development of Islamic theology, it eventually came to be associated with orthodoxy, the bastion against heterodox innovation ( bidʿa; see …, see Juynboll, Excursus on the ahl as-sunna).
As far as the qurʾānic context is concerned, the occurrences of the term can roughly be divided into two categories: “sunna” either denotes God's way of dealing with the as-yet unbelieving people of the world, or it is a word for the behavior of those rebellious unbelievers who refuse to comply with divine institutions by declining to submit to divine messengers (see insolence and obstinacy; messenger; belief and unbelief; rebellion). Examples of sunna within the first category comprise references to God's treatment of anonymous unbelievers in the Meccan verse q 40:85 (see chronology and the qurʾān), or Qurashīs and/or the hypocrites ( munāfiqūn; see quraysh; hypocrites and hypocrisy) in the Medinan verses q 17:77, 33:38, 62 and 48:23. Examples of sunna within the second category refer in the Meccan sūras to anonymous peoples (cf. q 15:13, 18:55, 35:43) and in a Medinan sūra to the prophet Muḥammad's Meccan adversaries among the Quraysh (cf. q 8:38; see opposition to muḥammad). Moreover, in the Medinan verse q 3:137 the plural sunan is glossed by al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923; Tafsīr, iv, 99) as mathulāt, i.e. the punitive measures meted out to pre-Islamic peoples like ʿĀd ¶ (q.v.) and Thamūd (q.v.), who refused to heed the preaching of prophets sent to them by God (see prophets and prophethood), whereas in the other Medinan verse in which the plural occurs ( q 4:26) it stands for the pious “ways of life” of certain people and prophets of old (see generations). In addition to these uses of the term sunna in the Qurʾān, the concept of sunna can be traced along various lines, encompassing a number of different nuances. Some of these were later tentatively traced back to the Qurʾān, that is to say, to qurʾānic lexemes other than sunna, where it was thought that sunna was implied. Initially, sunna was a neutral term for good or bad precedents set by earlier generations, and it played a crucial role in the evolution of Islamic law, the sharīʿa (see law and the qurʾān). In the course of the second/eighth century, sunna came to be considered one of the roots ( uṣūl) of Islamic law, indeed, after the Qurʾān, the second most important root. It was the legal theoretician al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820) who was especially instrumental in raising the concept of sunna to this unassailable level of legal authority. As a legislative source, the Qurʾān contains a fair number of injunctions that are pivotal in the formulation of laws dictating human behavior. But most of these injunctions are worded in terms that are either too broad, or ambiguous (q.v.) or downright opaque. Analyzing, and where possible elucidating, those terms became the task of early Islamic exegetes (see exegesis of the qurʾān: classical and medieval). These commentators acted in conformity with the gradually prevailing rule that, rather than an example set by any religious expert, a corroborative prophetic example had to be adduced. Thus these exegetes sought and disseminated reports ( aḥādīth) which transmitted what the prophet ¶ Muḥammad and the earliest learned authorities ( ʿulamāʾ) had allegedly said concerning certain qurʾānic verses and, where relevant, their application in daily life (see sīra and the qurʾān; traditional disciplines of qurʾānic study). Among the earliest strata of authorities, the prophet Muḥammad was to play an increasingly important role. One indispensable need was clarification of obscure qurʾānic passages, and this need is reflected in a number of wide-ranging traditions, for which the introduction to the collection of al-Dārimī (d. 255/869) is especially famous. More than his fellow traditionists, it was al-Dārimī who brought together a number of ḥadīths that dealt with the issue of the inter-dependence of Qurʾān and sunna (see ḥadīth and the qurʾān). That most of these sayings are probably of his own making may be deduced from their absence from other early collections ascribed to his peers. Perhaps the most concise among the somewhat later sayings is the one that runs: “the Qurʾān needs [the elucidation contained in the] sunna more than the other way around” (inna l-Qurʾān aḥwaju ilā l-sunna mina l-sunna ilā l-Qurʾān; cf. the theologian al-Barbahārī [d. 329/941] in his Kitāb al-Sunna, which Ibn Abī Yaʿlā [d. 526/1131] extensively quotes in his Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābila [cf. ii, 25]). The inter-relatedness of Qurʾān and sunna was transferred gradually to the delicate field of abrogation (q.v.; naskh). Initially it went without saying that a qurʾānic passage could abrogate a sunna; but eventually the question was raised whether a sunna laid down, for instance, in a prophetic ḥadīth, could perhaps abrogate a qurʾānic injunction. The statement “sunna may determine the Qurʾān but not vice versa” (al-sunna qāḍiyatun ʿalā l-Qurʾān wa-laysa al-Qurʾān bi-qāḍin ʿalā l-sunna) is ascribed to an early authority, Yaḥyā b. Abī Kathīr (d. 132/749) but is probably al-Dārimī's own handiwork (cf. his Sunan, i, 153, no. 587).¶ This highly controversial issue kept theologians and jurisprudents occupied for a considerable period. In early tafsīr literature there are no discernible attempts to equate certain terms from scripture with sunna or, specifically prophetic sunna ( sunnat al-nabī). It was the aforementioned legal scholar al-Shāfiʿī who was the first to try to link an important qurʾānic term with sunna, in an attempt to provide scriptural evidence for his insistence that sunna should automatically be equated with sunnat al-nabī. The word chosen by him was ḥikma, “wisdom” (e.g. his Risāla, 32, 78, etc.); but even after his lifetime this identification does not seem to have caught on with other jurists. The only explanation early exegetes like al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d. 110/728) and Qatāda b. Diʿāma (d. 117/735) are alleged to have offered for al-ḥikma was simply the gloss al-sunna without further specification (cf. Tafsīr al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, i, 115, Ṭabarī, Tafsīr, i, 557, ad q 2:129). Then, at the hands of al-Shāfiʿī, that is extended to sunnat rasūli llāh. The verse that comes to mind most readily as providing a good opportunity for tracing the concept of sunna of the Prophet and/or that of his faithful followers in the Qurʾān, is q 33:21: “You had (conceivably: have) in the messenger of God a perfect example…”; but al-Shāfiʿī did not even hint at this verse in his Risāla. It is the traditionist Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 241/855) who mentions the verse (cf. his Musnad, ii, 15 = ed. A.M. Shākir, no. 4641) in connection with sunna. The debate was couched in cautious terms, lest a sunna, which is after all a custom instituted by man, be too readily taken to be capable of abrogating or modifying the prima facie interpretation of scripture, which is, after all, of divine origin. Another term bracketed with al-sunna next to the Qurʾān is the word ḥabl, “rope, ¶ cord,” in q 3:103 (cf. Ibn Ḥajar, Fatḥ al-bārī, xvii, 3, apud Bukhārī, K. al-Iʿtiṣām, 1). In exegetical literature, however, ḥabl is almost exclusively associated with the Qurʾān, or the religion, or the community ( jamāʿa) of believers, but not with sunna. The term sunna does not occur more often than in the verses dealt with above, whereas there are numerous qurʾānic passages in which sunna and/or its derivative sunnat al-nabī are quite clearly intended. The frequently repeated command that the believers must obey God and his messenger (cf. Kassis, Concordance, s.v. aṭāʿa, “to obey”; see obedience) can virtually always be construed as pointing to submission to the exemplary behavior of the Prophet. |
- Primary
al-Dārimī, ʿAbdallāh b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, Sunan, ed. F.A. Zamarlī and Kh. al-Sabʿ al-ʿAlamī, 2 vols., Cairo 1987
al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, Tafsīr, ed. M. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm, Cairo [1992]
Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābila, ed. Muḥammad Ḥāmid al-Fiqī, Cairo 1952
Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Fatḥ al-bārī bi-sharḥ [Ṣaḥīḥ] al-Bukhārī, Cairo 1959
al-Shāfiʿī, Muḥammad b. Idrīs, Risāla, ed. A.M. Shākir, Cairo 1940
- Secondary
G.H.A. Juynboll, An excursus on the ahl as-sunna in connection with van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, vol. IV, in Der Islam 75 (1998), 318-30
id., Sunna, in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. J.R. Strayer et al., 13 vols. to date, New York 1982-, xi, 510-3
id., Some new ideas on the development of sunna as a technical term in early Islam, in jsai 10 (1987), 97-118
id., Sunna, in ei2, ix, 878-81
H.E. Kassis, A concordance of the Qur'an, Berkeley 1983
- Cite this page
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition
Sunna (a. pl. sunan; see above, s.v. sunan, for a different connotation), an ancient Arabian concept that was to play an increasingly important role during the formative centuries of Islam, acquiring a range of interrelated nuances. Eventually, some time after the preaching of Islam had begun, the term sunna came to stand for the generally approved standard or practice introduced by the Prophet as well as the pious Muslims of olden days, and at the instigation of al-S̲h̲āfiʿī, the sunna of the Prophet was awarded the position of the second root (aṣl) of Islamic law, the s̲h̲arīʿa, after the Ḳurʾān. Not long after that, surma came to stand for the all-encompassing concept orthodoxy, which is still in use today. Out of this there grew the dichotomy between Sunnī (orthodox) and S̲h̲īʿī (heterodox) Islam. During the first three centuries of Islam, the term sunna, standing alone or in various genitive constructions with other words, displays an evolution in meaning which will be sketched in more detail in the following. For the technical s̲h̲arīʿa term, see 2. below. ¶9/878/2¶
1, In classical Islam.
In the Ḏj̲āhiliyya, the concept sunna originally stood for a way or manner of acting, whether good or bad, hence (dis)approved custom or norm of previous generations, al-awwalūn, cf. esp. Bravmann, in Bibl . The verbs used for laying down a sunna are sanna and istanna . During the 1st/7th century when, after the death of Muḥammad, the Muslim community was ruled first by the k̲h̲ulafāʾ rās̲h̲idūn and then the Umayyads, the term sunna was used in debates on legal and ritual issues to indicate any good precedent set by people of the past, including the Prophet. Moreover, various pre-Islamic sunnas were accepted into Islam with or without modification. In certain ancient texts, the term was occasionally also used for any bad or indifferent precedent. It turned up in political debates too, for which see further down.
During Muḥammad’s lifetime and immediately after that, when faced with problems to solve, people reminded each other in their discourse (ḥadīt̲h̲) of how the Prophet and his first faithful followers had acted under particular circumstances. This resulted in an as yet unstructured, oral transmission of more or less correctly remembered practices and customs, sunnas. Towards the end of the 1st/7th century, when the need thereto arose, these memories began to be transmitted in a more standardised manner after the introduction of a newly-developed authentication device, the isnād [q.v.]. The first reports (ḥadīt̲h̲s) of sunnas that eventually found their way to one or more of the ḥadīt̲h̲ collections compiled in the course of the 2nd/8th century and later, originated in the final quarter of the 1st/7th century.
Recent isnād analytical research has established that, initially, these first sunnas were on the whole few and disparate. Next to ḥadīt̲h̲s of sunnas supported by isnāds that allegedly went back all the way to the Prophet, which in other words were marfūʿ [see rafʿ. 2], there circulated hordes of other ones whose isnāds ended in a Companion, the mawḳūf strands, or even a Successor [see mursal ]. These three types of sunna reports existed side-by-side and were supposed to register more or less faithfully what the pious forebears, al-salaf al-ṣāliḥ , during and since the lifetime of the Prophet had said or done. But the Companion reports, as well as the Successor reports, did not necessarily contain opinions exclusively modelled on what the Prophet was supposed to have decided in a given situation, but often represented what these authorities thought about a particular issue themselves. They were the fuḳahāʾ Rather than basing themselves all the time upon a pious practice attributed to someone from the past, they sometimes preferred to exercise their own judgment, their raʾy, and their personal opinions, ārāʾ were occasionally also granted the status of sunna. Personal ad hoc problem-solving, without recourse to precedent, developed alongside searching for precedents, for which the general term ʿilm, lit. knowledge, was used. Thus ʿilm consisted of sunnas which had originated at the hands of pious forebears and which were eventually moulded into ḥadīt̲h̲s. ʿIlm seekers, ʿulamāʾ (pl. of ʿālim), were often antagonistic towards those who resorted to their raʾy, the ahl al-raʾy, and this gave way to an ongoing dialogue, or bitter dispute, between, on the one hand, a basically religious, precedent-centred point of view and, on the other hand, a somewhat secular stance with, according to some ʿulamāʾ far too little religion mixed in with it. ¶9/879/1¶
It is clear that, at least during the first three centuries of Islam, ḥadīt̲h̲ and sunna cannot be equated but are just related concepts. The former is the initially orally transmitted and later written registration of, among other things, the revered practice of the pious forebears, with at their head the Prophet and the earliest Muslims, while the latter is an abstraction which encompasses the revered practice of anyone of the past, although despised or indifferent practices are also occasionally referred to with the term. At the turn of the 1st/7th century, the Umayyad caliph ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (d. 101/719-20 [q.v.]) was allegedly the first to single out the sunna of the Prophet among the sunnas of others. Thus it happened that, after ḥadīt̲h̲ had begun to comprise a sizeable number of sunnas supposedly introduced increasingly often by the Prophet rather than by the k̲h̲ulafāʾ rās̲h̲idūn or other well-known Companions, the concept sunna began to shed its broad meaning of «any precedent» and the connotation «any laudable precedent» started to prevail.
But sunna as a more vague concept did not die out. Moreover, next to the term emerging in debates on legal and ritual issues, it played a significant part in the political discussions of the 1st/7th century. When the confrontation between ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān [q.vv.] at Ṣiffīn (37/657 [q.v.]) was concluded with an arbitration agreement, the kitāb Allāh and al-sunna al-ʿādila al-d̲j̲āmiʿa g̲h̲ayr al-mufarriḳa, i.e. the Book of God and the just sunna that unites rather than disperses, had to be consulted in order to find a solution for the dilemma that had arisen. Sunna in this document refers to the still broad term: the approved practice in political and administrative matters instituted by the leaders of the past (synonymous in fact with sīra [q.v.], cf. Bravmann in Bibl .), and the substitution of the term sunna in one version of this agreement by the genitive construction «the sunna of the Prophet» is a spurious, later interpolation, cf. the penetrating analysis of Martin Hinds in his The Ṣiffīn arbitration agreement, in JSS, xvii (1972), 93-129. It has to be stated that, in the earliest extant Islamic documents in which the term sunna crops up frequently, one must always reckon with the possibility that the equation of sunna with sunna of the Prophet was achieved at the hands of anonymous transmitters or copyists through—in many cases—no longer traceable interpolations of the genitive «of the Prophet». That this is the case can often be shown by carefully collating the various versions in which these documents have come down to us.
Towards the end of the 2nd/8th century, the jurist al-S̲h̲āfiʿī (d. 204/820 [q.v.]) began to throw new light on the position of the sunna of the Prophet, in preference to that of any ancient authorities. He came to consider it the second most important root of Islamic jurisprudence after the Ḳurʾān, hence his predilection for sunnas recorded in ḥadīt̲h̲s that were marfūʿ , i.e. whose isnāds went all the way back to Muḥammad. Thus al-sunna began to be felt as tantamount to sunnat al-nabī «the good example of the Prophet»; that is what most texts that were written during and after al-S̲h̲āfiʿī’s lifetime convey. For a survey of the reception in later years of al-S̲h̲āfiʿī’s ideas on sunna, see Wael B. Hallaq, Was al-S̲h̲āfiʿī the master architect of Islamic jurisprudence?, in IJMES, xxv (1993), 587—605.
Although the term sunna occurs a number of times in the Ḳurʾān, it refers nowhere to the exemplary example of the Prophet or his contemporaries, but mostly to the manner in which God chose to deal with the peoples of old who rejected the conversion endeavours of prophets sent to them. ¶9/879/2¶ In early tafsīr literature there are no attempts to equate certain terms from scripture with sunna or sunnat al-nabī either. It was al-S̲h̲āfiʿī who was the first to try and link up an important Ḳurʾānic term with sunna, in an attempt to provide scriptural evidence for his insistence that sunna should be equated automatically with sunnat al-nabī. The word chosen by him was ḥikma «wisdom», but even after his lifetime this identification does not seem to have caught on with other jurists. And, finally, the verse that comes to mind most readily as offering a good opportunity for tracing the concept sunna of the Prophet and/or that of his faithful followers in the Ḳurʾān, namely XXXIII, 21, «You had in the Messenger of God a perfect example, etc.», was not even hinted at by al-S̲h̲āfiʿī in his Risāla . It is Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 241/855 [q.v.]) who mentions the verse (cf. his Musnad, ii, 15 = ed. A.M. S̲h̲ākir, no. 4641) in connection with sunna. Identification of the traditionist responsible for the gloss in which the verse is cited as pertaining to the sunna of the Prophet has as yet proved fruitless. The only person for whom a case could conceivably by made is Sufyān b. ʿUyayna (d. 198/813), cf. al-Mizzī [q.v.], Tuḥfat al-as̲h̲rāf vi, no. 7352.
The relationship of Ḳurʾān and sunna has long been a matter of debate, formulated in the question of whether a sunna could abrogate a Ḳurʾānic verse. It has always been realised in Islam that the Ḳurʾān was more in need of elucidation, e.g. through sunnas, than that sunnas required explanation from scripture. Even so, the debate was couched in cautious terms, lest a sunna, which is after all a custom instituted by man, was too readily taken to be capable of abrogating scripture—which is after all of divine origin— or modified the Ḳurʾān’s prima facie interpretation. In the first chapter of the Sunan of al-Dāriml (d. 255/869 [q.v.]) a number of traditions and opinions on sunna vis-à-vis the Ḳurʾān are listed. The statement: al-sunna ḳāḍiyat un ʿalā ’l-Kurʾān wa-laysa al-Ḳurʾān bi-ḳāḍ in ʿalā ’l-sunna (i.e. sunna may determine the Ḳurʾān but not vice-versa) is ascribed to an early authority but is probably al-Dārimī’s own handiwork, cf. i, 153, no. 587.
The term sunna emerges also in the dogmatic-political discussions among the doctors of theology, the mutakallimūn see ʿilm al-kalām . During the time that these disputes of, for example, adherents of the Ḳadariyya, Murd̲j̲iʾa, Rāfiḍa or Muʿtazila [q.vv.] with their opponents occupied increasingly large numbers of theologians from the middle of the 1st/7th century until after the miḥna [q.v.], the so-called «inquisition» instituted by the ʿAbbāsid caliph al-Maʾmūn, which ended in 234/848, the ḥadīt̲h̲ people or ahl al-ḥadīt̲h̲ [q.v.], busily searching for sunnas, were out of their depth and constituted no match for them. Among these theologians they even acquired the derogatory nickname ḥas̲h̲wiyya [q.v.] lit. «those that stuff», predominantly because of their credulity in respect of certain traditions, which they collected alongside sunnas, containing anthropomorphic descriptions of God [see also nābita ]. On the other hand, the ranks of sunna seekers were swollen by large numbers of traditionists suspected and/or accused of harbouring one or more of these innovative dogmatic ideas (bidʿas [q.v.]), but as long as they did not propagate them in their traditions by slipping such ideas into the reports they were instrumental in transmitting, they were on the whole tolerated. In retrospect, it can be surmised that, if the ahl al-ḥadīt̲h̲, while transmitting sunnas, had shunned the participation in this activity of all those known to harbour a predilection for one or more of those bidʿas, they would have been so few in number that the total bulk of what became known as Islam’s canonical ḥadīt̲h̲ would have attained a mere fraction of its present size. ¶9/880/1¶
So traditions containing descriptions of sunnas gradually multiplied. This growth may in part be due to a ḥadīt̲h̲ ascribed to the Prophet, but for the wording of which the Baṣran muḥaddit̲h̲ S̲h̲uʿba b. al-Ḥad̲j̲d̲j̲ād̲j̲ (d. 160/776 [q.v.]), who is the undeniable common link of its isnād bundle, may be held responsible: «He who introduces in Islam a good sunna will be given the ensuing merit and the merit accruing to all those who practise/adopt it after him, but he who introduces in Islam a pernicious sunna will have to carry its burden and that of those who practice/adopt it after him», cf. al-Mizzī, Tuḥfat al-as̲h̲rāf, ii, no. 3232. S̲h̲uʿba need not necessarily be assumed to be the first person to have thought of this saying, for it may be considered to have been foreshadowed in a differently worded tradition, without the crucial term sunna. On the basis of its isnād bundle, that tradition can safely be ascribed to al-Aʿmas̲h̲ (d. 147-8/764-5 [q.v.]), incidentally an alleged sympathiser of the S̲h̲īʿa (!) from Kūfa, who transmitted it to, among others, his junior ḥadīt̲h̲ colleague S̲h̲uʿba: "He who draws attention to a good (practice), he will enjoy the same reward as those who adopt that (practice), " cf. al-Mizzī, ibid., vii, no. 9986. Traditions in this vein became numerous (cf. al-Tirmid̲h̲ī, al-Ḏj̲āmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ , ed. A.M. S̲h̲ākir et alii, v, 41-5) but, judging by their isnāds, all these originated much later than al-Aʿmas̲h̲ and S̲h̲uʿba.
Be that as it may, the adherents to the sunna, or ahl al-sunna as they were increasingly often called, were thought of during the heyday of theological disputes as living in concealment, as strangers in their own home, that is in any case how al-Ḥasan b. ʿAlī al-Barbahārī (d. 329/941 [q.v.]), the author of an early Islamic creed, expressed it, cf. Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaḳāt al-Ḥanābila, ii, 29, ll. 2-6. The appellative ahl al-sunna is found already in a well-known early statement on the origin of the isnād requirement attributed to the Basran muḥaddit̲h̲ Ibn Sīrīn (d. 110/728 [q.v.]). This man yielded to Islam’s indomitable tendency to divide society up into categories, e.g. ahl al-…, aṣḥāb al- …, or formed by attaching a feminine nisba ending to the name of a person associated with a controversial doctrine, long before this alleged group formation constitutes a historically plausible description of the actual situation, if ever. Thus Ibn Sīrīn divided the people of his days into two categories, the ahl al-bidʿa or ahl al-bidaʿ and the ahl al-sunna. The latter appellative became later, to be more precise at the earliest as from the beginning of the second half of the 2nd/8th century and more especially after the suspension of the miḥna, that of the orthodox in Islam. Various contemporary sources convey the impression that they began to constitute the majority in Islam only after the theological squabbles culminating in the miḥna had been decided in favour of Ibn Ḥanbal, its most notorious victim. His influence spread rapidly thereafter and he became in the eyes of the public the centre of the henceforth steadily multiplying ahl al-sunna.
One individual from among the ahl al-sunna was called a ṣāḥib sunna. Probably the earliest definition of a ṣāḥib sunna is attributed to Ibn al-Mubārak (d. 181/797 [q.v.]), a muḥaddit̲h̲ well-known for his travelling fī ṭalab al-ʿilm, i.e. in search of traditions containing sunnas,, all over the eastern Islamic world and for his conviction that "… the isnād is part of the religion for otherwise everybody would be free to say whatever he wanted, " a conviction that can be viewed as typical of a man who is among the first theoreticians of the ahl al-sunna. ¶9/880/2¶ His definition of ṣāḥib sunna is found embedded in al-Barbahārfs creed which is quoted in Ibn Abī Yaʿlā’s Ṭabaḳāt al-Ḥanābila, ii, 40, ll. 11-20. This definition may at the same time be considered as a concise creed of Islam as a whole and constitutes in fact a polemic against the ahl al-bidaʿ, based upon a famous vaticinatio post eventum couched in the sa-taftariḳu tradition. It foretells that the Islamic community will be torn asunder into 73 factions, only one of which, the ahl al-d̲j̲amāʿa, will eventually attain salvation, the 72 other factions ending up in Hell. The appellative ahl al-d̲j̲amāʿa, lit. "the people of the community, " is a well-known alternative of the appellative ahl al-sunna wa ’l-d̲j̲amāʿa, an early, mainly political, designation of one of the warring parties at Ṣiffīn mentioned above. This designation survived in a number of biographical notices devoted to 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th century traditionists who were labelled as ṣāḥib sunna or ṣāḥib sunna wa-d̲j̲amāʿa . The prophetic tradition which contains the said vaticinatio had recently been brought into circulation. The numbers 1:72 may very well be considered as reflecting a symbolic, albeit somewhat hyperbolic, approximation by the ahl al-sunna of their own limited numbers, vastly outnumbered as they initially were by the ahl al-bidʿa. Only in the course of the second half of the 2nd/8th century does the number of people, who are provided in the biographical lexicons with the label ṣāḥib sunna, show a marked increase.
Beside the collective ahl al-sunna, ṣāḥib sunna has two plurals, aṣḥāb sunna and aṣḥāb al-sunan, lit. «people of sunnas.» On the basis of the latter plural, one may be forgiven for being struck by the coincidence that the majority of ḥadīt̲h̲ transmitters found in the biographical lexicons as being described by the term ṣāḥib sunna emerge at the same time as prolific common links, each responsible for (the wording of) a number of traditions listed in the canonical collections. Viewed from that angle, the plural aṣḥāb al-sunan permits of the connotation «originators of sunnas.» Some time later, in the course of the 3rd/9th century, one finds increasingly frequently the word sunnī , plural sunniyyūn, being used for members of the ahl al-sunna. As an investigation of the biographical data on a number of transmitters labelled ṣāḥib sunna makes clear, the appellatives ṣāḥib sunna and ṣāḥib ḥadīt̲h̲ are by no means mutually interchangeable. Many belonging to the first category had their handling of traditions frowned upon, some were even accused of kad̲h̲ib, i.e. mendacity in ḥadīt̲h̲, while many belonging to the second were known for their support of one or more bid’as (cf. Juynboll, in JSAI, x, in Bibl .). But with the multiplying of Muslims defined as orthodox, sunna and Islam came eventually to be felt, by some at least, as virtually synonymous, as is witnessed in the remark of the pious Bis̲h̲r b. al-Ḥārit̲h̲ (d. 227/842, cf. TT, vii, 67-80): al-sunna hiya ’l-islām wa ’l-islām huwa ’l-sunna, i.e. sunna and Islam are in essence identical, cf. Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, i, 41, ult. In the writings of Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-As̲h̲ʿarī (d. 324/936 [q.v.]) the orthodox of Islam finally found their niche. In his Maḳālāt, appellatives like ahl al-sunna alternate with ahl al-d̲j̲amāʿa as well as several other genitive constructions. Curiously, probably as a consequence of the ever expanding influence of a growing sunnī faction, the appellative aṣḥāb al-islām in this source seems to have a wider range of meaning, comprising next to the sunniyyūn an assorted number of people from heterodox denominations, which may differ in each occurrence of the term and are more often than not left unspecified. ¶9/881/1¶ It is as if in this—as it were—tolerant stance the definitive defeat of the ahl al-bidʿa is reflected now that the ahl al-sunna had started to constitute everywhere the majority. For a survey of the Sunnī creed which is still in force today, see ʿaḳīda . From the 4th/10th century onwards, the term sunna did not acquire new connotations or nuances.
2. As a technical term in the s̲h̲arīʿa.
Various customs, legal injunctions and a host of (mostly supererogatory) ritual prescriptions etc. received in the course of time the predicate sunna. This labelling is not supposed to indicate that the issue was due to the Prophet or the people of old, but is rather meant to express the desirability to adopt or practise it. On the scale of qualifications developed in Islamic jurisprudence, ranging from absolutely compulsory via indifferent to strictly forbidden, the so-called aḥkām k̲h̲amsa, sunna came to be used in the second grade of desirability following compulsory and more or less synonymous with mandūb [q.v.] and mustaḥabb [q.v.], all three indicating «recommended». Anyone observing a rule labelled sunna will be awarded, but neglecting it will not automatically entail punishment.
- Bibliography
Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaḳāt al-Ḥanābila, ed. Muḥammad Ḥāmid al-Fiḳī, Cairo 1952
I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, Halle 1889-90, ii, 12-27
J. Schacht, The origins of Muhammadan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950, ch. VII
idem, An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 121 and index s.v.
idem, Sur l’expression «sunna du Prophète», in Mélanges d’orientalisme offerts à Henri Massé, Tehran 1963, 361-5
M.M. Bravmann, The spiritual background of early Islam. Studies in ancient Arab concepts, Leiden 1972, 123-98
Zafar Ishaq Ansari, Islamic juristic terminology before Šāfiʿī: a semantic analysis with special reference to Kūfa, in Arabica xix (1972), 255—300
Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s caliph. Religious authority in the first centuries of Islam, Cambridge 1986, ch. V
T. Nagel, Rechtleitung und Kalifat. Versuch iiber eine Grundfrage der islamischen Geschichte, Bonn 1975, index s.v.
idem, Staat und Glaubensgemeinschaft im Islam, Zürich-Munich 1981, i, chapter III
M.A. Cook, Early Muslim dogma, a s our ce-critical study, Cambridge 1981, index s.v.
for sunna vis-à-vis the practice (ʿarnal) of Medina, see Yasin Dutton, Sunna, ḥadīth and Madinan ʿamal, in Journal of Islamic Studies, iv (1993), 1-31
idem, ʿAmal v. ḥadīth in Islamic law: the case of sadl al-yadayn (holding one’s hands by one’s sides) while doing the prayer, in Islamic Law and Society, iii (1996), 13-40
G.H.A. Juynboll, Some new ideas on the development of sunna as a technical term in early Islam, in JSAI, x (1987), 97-118
for ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and sunna, see Dārimī, Sunan, ed. F.A. Zamarlī and K̲h̲. S. al-ʿAlamī, Beirut 1987, i, 125-6, and Juynboll, Muslim tradition. Studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early ḥadīth, Cambridge 1983, ch. I
for Ibn Sīrīn’s statement, see idem, Muslim’s introduction to his Ṣaḥīḥ. Translated and annotated with an excursus on the chronology of fitna and bidʿa, in JSAI, V (1984), 263—311.
(G.H.A. Juynboll)
3. In the modern Islamic world.
Sunna has become the central point of debate in modern Muslim discussions of religious authority. Controversy centres on three issues:
(i) The authenticity of ḥadīt̲h̲. In the 19th century, Sayyid Aḥmad K̲h̲ān and Muḥammad ʿAbduh [q.vv.] began to express doubts about the authenticity of the ḥadīt̲h̲ literature (Aḥmad K̲h̲ān, Maḳālāt, i, 25-9, 48-9, ii, 187, 190, 363-8, 419; ʿAbduh, Risālat al-Tawḥīd , 223). ¶9/881/2¶ In the early 20th century, the doubts of these modernists gave way to dogmatic rejection of ḥadīt̲h̲ among the Ahl-i Ḳurʾān of Lahore and Amritsar. Anti-ḥadīt̲h̲ views were elaborated by Aslam D̲j̲ayrād̲j̲pūrī, G̲h̲ulām Aḥmad Parwīz and G̲h̲ulām D̲j̲īlānī Barḳ, and independently by Maḥmūd Abū Rayya in Egypt. These authors, labelled munkirīn-i-ḥadīt̲h̲ by their opponents, argued that traditions were not collected in writing until the 9th century; oral transmission of ḥadīt̲h̲ is untrustworthy; forgery of ḥadīt̲h̲ rendered the collections irredeemably corrupt; and ḥadīt̲h̲ criticism was inadequate to sift authentic traditions from forged. Conservative scholars have responded with a vigorous campaign in defence of ḥadīt̲h̲ (e.g. al-Sibāʿī, al-Sunna wa-makānatuhā , Cairo 1961).
(ii) Prophetic authority. Čirāg̲h̲ ʿAlī and ʿAlī ʿAbd al-Rāziḳ limit prophetic authority to spiritual matters, implicitly rejecting much of sunna. The Ahl-i Ḳurʾān held that Muḥammad’s activity as prophet was limited to the Ḳurʾān; his other actions are not binding on later generations. An Egyptian, Muḥammad Tawfīḳ Ṣidḳī, voiced similar arguments, but Ras̲h̲īd Riḍā [q.v.] pressured him to recant (Manār, ix [1906], 515-24, x, 140). Riḍā himself argued for the subordination of sunna to the Ḳurʾān, and he has been followed by some revivalists (Manār, xii, 693-9; Muḥammad al-G̲h̲azālī, al-Sunna al-nabawiyya bayna ahl al-fiḳh wa-ahl al-ḥadīt̲h̲ , Cairo 1989). Other revivalists limit the scope of prophetic authority by distinguishing human activities of Muḥammad from divinely-inspired prophetic sunna (Mawdūdī, Tafhīmāt , 16Lahore 1989, 98-113).
(iii) The relationship of sunna to ḥadīt̲h̲. Seeking to salvage sunna from the ravages of ḥadīt̲h̲ criticism, S.M. Yusuf and Fazlur Rahman defined sunna as the id̲j̲māʿ of the early Muslims, reflected in ḥadīt̲h̲, not derived from it (Rahman, Islamic methodology in history, Karachi 1961, 6, 18; S.M. Yusuf, in IQ xxxvii [1964], 271-82, xxxviii [1964], 15-25). Ḥadīt̲h̲ , while not strictly historical, represents «the interpreted spirit of the Prophetic teaching» (Rahman, op. cit., Karachi 1961, 71). Later generations of Muslims must duplicate this interpretive process, not by a literal application of ḥadīt̲h̲, but by discovering the spirit of the prophetic example for themselves.
While such revisionist views have not gained a wide following, they have nevertheless exerted enormous influence on modern Muslim discussions of religious authority, giving rise to a plurality of definitions of sunna reminiscent of the formative period of Islamic thought.
- Bibliography
G.H.A. Juynboll, The authenticity of tradition literature, Leiden 1961
Mād̲j̲id, G̲h̲ulām Jīlānī Barq, M.A. thesis, McGill Univ. 1962
CJ. Adams, in Essays on Islamic civilization presented to Niyazi Berkes, Leiden 1976, 24-57
D.W. Brown, Rethinking tradition, Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Chicago 1993, incl. full bibl.
(D.W. Brown)
- Cite this page
Juynboll, G.H.A. and Brown, D.W., «Sunna», in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Consulted online on 28 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_1123>
Заготовка
Су́нна (ар. سنة), полная форма «суннат ан-Набӣ», или «суннат Расӯлю-л-Ла̄x» — совокупность рассказов (хадисов) о деяниях, поступках и изречениях пророка Мухаммада ﷺ, описанные его соратниками и являющиеся образцом и руководством к действию для всей мусульманской общины и каждого мусульманина в отдельности.
Подобно Корану, сунна считается божественным откровением, но Коран представляет собой «богопродиктованное» откровение, целиком принадлежащее Богу со стороны смысла и словесного оформления. Среди хадисов обычно выделяют «пресвятые хадисы» (ах̣а̄дӣс̱ к̣удсийя), которые рассматриваются не как слова Мухаммада ﷺ, а как слова Бога. Сунна почитается как второй после Корана источник вероучения, правовых принципов для фикха, а также вопросов культового, этического и другого характера. Большинство мусульманских богословов и юристов, за исключением шафиитов, считают, что в случае несоответствия между аятами Корана и хадисами последние могут «отменять», модифицировать первые, и наоборот.
Сунна представляет собой сборник х̣адӣс̱ов (у шиитов — ах̱ба̄ров). Существуют шесть канонических суннитских сборников хадисов, дополняющих Коран, так как они освещают некоторые вопросы, не затронутые им. Наиболее авторитетный сборник хадисов — «Аль-Джами ас-Сахих» имама аль-Бухари — считается второй после Корана вероучительной книгой. На основе хадисов было составлено жизнеописание пророка Мухаммада ﷺ (сӣра). При жизни Пророка хадисы (в отличие от Корана), как правило, не записывались, а передавались изустно. Путешествие в поисках передатчиков хадисов (хадисоискательство) составляло характерную черту культуры ислама первых столетий. Появление множества поддельных хадисов вызвало развитие различных дисциплин, исследующих хадисы прежде всего с целью установления их подлинности. В шиитском исламе сунна, помимо высказываний Пророка, включает и высказывания имамов.